The Letter of St. Jerome To To Julian, a Deacon of Antioch

Letter VI. To Julian, a Deacon of Antioch.

This letter, written in 374 a.d., is chiefly interesting for its mention of Jerome’s sister. It would seem that she had fallen into sin and had been restored to a life of virtue by the deacon, Julian. Jerome speaks of her again in the next letter (§4).

It is an old saying, “Liars are disbelieved even when they speak the truth.”85 And from the way in which you reproach me for not having written, I perceive that this has been my lot with you. Shall I say, “I wrote often, but the bearers of my letters were negligent”? You will reply, “Your excuse is the old one of all who fail to write.” Shall I say, “I could not find any one to take my letters”? You will say that numbers of persons have gone from my part of the world to yours. Shall I contend that I have actually given them letters? They not having delivered them, will deny that they have received them. Moreover, so great a distance separates us that it will be hard to come at the truth. What shall I do then? Though really not to blame, I ask your forgiveness, for I think it better to fall back and make overtures for peace than to keep my ground and offer battle. The truth is that constant sickness of body and vexation of mind have so weakened me that with death so close at hand I have not been as collected as usual. And lest you should account this plea a false one, now that I have stated my case, I shall, like a pleader, call witnesses to prove it. Our reverend brother, Heliodorus, has been here; but in spite of his wish to dwell in the desert with me, he has been frightened away by my crimes. But my present wordiness will atone for my past remissness; for, as Horace says in his satire:86

All singers have one fault among their friends:

They never sing when asked, unasked they never cease.

Henceforth I shall overwhelm you with such bundles of letters that you will take the opposite line and beg me not to write.

I rejoice that my sister87 —to you a daughter in Christ—remains steadfast in her purpose, a piece of news which I owe in the first instance to you. For here where I now am I am ignorant not only as to what goes on in my native land, but even as to its continued existence. Even though the Iberian viper88 shall rend me with his baneful fangs, I will not fear men’s judgment, seeing that I shall have God to judge me. As one puts it:

Shatter the world to fragments if you will:

’Twill fall upon a head which knows not fear.89

Bear in mind, then, I pray you, the apostle’s precept90 that we should make our work abiding; prepare for yourself a reward from the Lord in my sister’s salvation; and by frequent letters increase my joy in that glory in Christ which we share together.

Footnote:

85 Aristotle is the author of this remark.

86 Hor. S. i. 3, 1–3.

87 Mentioned again in Letter VII., § 4.

88. The person meant is uncertain. Probably it was Lupicinus, bishop of Stridon, for whom see the next letter.

89 Horace, C. iii. 3, 7, 8.

90 1 Cor. iii. 14.

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The Second Letter of St. Jerome To Florentius

Letter V. To Florentius.

Written a few months after the preceding (about the end of 374 a.d.) from the Syrian Desert. After dilating on his friendship for Florentius, and making a passing allusion to Rufinus, Jerome mentions certain books, copies of which he desires to be sent to him. He also speaks of a runaway slave about whom Florentius had written to him.

1. Your letter, dear friend, finds me dwelling in that quarter of the desert which is nearest to Syria and the Saracens. And the reading of it rekindles in my mind so keen a desire to set out for Jerusalem that I am almost ready to violate my monastic vow in order to gratify my affection. Wishing to do the best I can, as I cannot come in person I send you a letter instead; and thus, though absent in the body, I come to you in love and in spirit.75 For my earnest prayer is that our infant friendship, firmly cemented as it is in Christ, may never be rent asunder by time or distance. We ought rather to strengthen the bond by an interchange of letters. Let these pass between us, meet each other on the way, and converse with us. Affection will not lose much if it keeps up an intercourse of this kind.

2. You write that our brother, Rufinus, has not yet come to you. Even if he does come it will do little to satisfy my longing, for I shall not now be able to see him. He is too far away to come hither, and the conditions of the lonely life that I have adopted forbid me to go to him. For I am no longer free to follow my own wishes. I entreat you, therefore, to ask him to allow you to have the commentaries of the reverend Rhetitius,76 bishop of Augustodunum,77 copied, in which he has so eloquently explained the Song of Songs. A countryman of the aforesaid brother Rufinus, the old man Paul,78 writes that Rufinus has his copy of Tertullian, and urgently requests that this may be returned. Next I have to ask you to get written on paper by a copyist certain books which the subjoined list79 will show you that I do not possess. I beg also that you will send me the explanation of the Psalms of David, and the copious work on Synods of the reverend Hilary,80 which I copied for him81 at Trêves with my own hand. Such books, you know, must be the food of the Christian soul if it is to meditate in the law of the Lord day and night.82

Others you welcome beneath your roof, you cherish and comfort, you help out of your own purse; but so far as I am concerned, you have given me everything when once you have granted my request. And since, through the Lord’s bounty, I am rich in volumes of the sacred library,83 you may command me in turn. I will send you what you please; and do not suppose that an order from you will give me trouble. I have pupils devoted to the art of copying. Nor do I merely promise a favor because I am asking one. Our brother, Heliodorus,84 tells me that there are many parts of the Scriptures which you seek and cannot find. But even if you have them all, affection is sure to assert its rights and to seek for itself more than it already has.

3. As regards the present master of your slave—of whom you have done me the honor to write—I have no doubt but that he is his kidnapper. While I was still at Antioch the presbyter, Evagrius, often reproved him in my presence. To whom he made this answer: “I have nothing to fear.” He declares that his master has dismissed him. If you both want him, he is here; send him whither you will. I think I am not wrong in refusing to allow a runaway to stray farther. Here in the wilderness I cannot myself execute your orders; and therefore I have asked my dear friend Evagrius to push the affair vigorously, both for your sake and for mine. I desire your welfare in Christ.

Footnotes:

75 Cf. Col. ii. 5.

76 A man of some note, as he was one of the commissioners appointed by Constantine in 313 a.d. to settle the points of issue between the Catholics and the Donatists. Jerome criticises his commentary on the Song of Songs in Letter XXXVII.

77 Autun.

78 See the introd. to Letter X.

79 This list has perished.

80 I.e. Hilary of Poitiers.

81 Rufinus.

82 Ps. i. 2.

83 I.e. the Scriptures.

84 See the introd. to Letter XIV.

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The Letter of St. Jerome To Florentius

Letter IV. To Florentius.

Sent to Florentius along with the preceding letter, which Jerome requests him to deliver to Rufinus. This Florentius was a rich Italian who had retired to Jerusalem to pursue the monastic life. Jerome subsequently speaks of him as “a distinguished monk so pitiful to the needy that he was generally known as the father of the poor.” (Chron. ad a.d. 381.)

1. How much your name and sanctity are on the lips of the most different peoples you may gather from the fact that I commence to love you before I know you. For as, according to the apostle, “Some men’s sins are evident going before unto judgment,”65 so contrariwise the report of your charity is so widespread that it is considered not so much praiseworthy to love you as criminal to refuse to do so. I pass over the countless instances in which you have supported Christ,66 fed, clothed, and visited Him. The aid you rendered to our brother Heliodorus67 in his need may well loose the utterance of the dumb. With what gratitude, with what commendation, does he speak of the kindness with which you smoothed a pilgrim’s path. I am, it is true, the most sluggish of men, consumed by an unendurable sickness; yet keen affection and desire have winged my feet, and I have come forward to salute and embrace you. I wish you every good thing, and pray that the Lord may establish our nascent friendship.

2. Our brother, Rufinus, is said to have come from Egypt to Jerusalem with the devout lady, Melanium. He is inseparably bound to me in brotherly love; and I beg you to oblige me by delivering to him the annexed letter. You must not, however, judge of me by the virtues that you find in him. For in him you will see the clearest tokens of holiness, whilst I am but dust and vile dirt, and even now, while still living, nothing but ashes. It is enough for me if my weak eyes can bear the brightness of his excellence. He has but now washed himself68 and is clean, yea, is made white as snow;69 whilst I, stained with every sin, wait day and night with trembling to pay the uttermost farthing.70 But since “the Lord looseth the prisoners,”71 and resteth upon him who is of a contrite spirit, and that trembleth at His words,72 perchance he may say even to me who lie in the grave of sin: “Jerome, come forth.”73

The reverend presbyter, Evagrius, warmly salutes you. We both with united respect salute the brother, Martinianus.74 I desire much to see him, but I am impeded by the chain of sickness. Farewell in Christ.

Footnotes:

65 1 Tim. v. 24, R.V.

66 Matt. xxv. 34–40.

67 See introduction to Letter XIV.

68 Rufinus had been baptized at Aquileia about three years previously (371 a.d.).

69 Cf. Ps. li. 7.

70 Matt. v. 26.

71 Ps. cxlvi. 7.

72 Isa. lxvi. 2.

73 Joh. xi. 43.

74 Acc. to Vallarsi a hermit, who at this time lived near Cæsarea.

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The Letter of St. Jerome To Rufinus The Monk

Letter III. To Rufinus the Monk.23

Written from Antioch, 374 A.D., to Rufinus in Egypt. Jerome narrates his travels and the events which have taken place since his arrival in Syria, particularly the deaths of Innocent and Hylas. He also describes the life of Bonosus, who was now a hermit on an island in the Adriatic. The main object of the letter is to induce Rufinus to come to Syria.

1. That God gives more than we ask Him for,24 and that He often grants us things which “eye hath not seen nor ear heard, neither have they entered into the heart of man,”25 I knew indeed before from the mystic declaration of the sacred volumes; but now, dearest Rufinus, I have had proof of it in my own case. For I who fancied it too bold a wish to be allowed by an exchange of letters to counterfeit to myself your presence in the flesh, hear that you are penetrating the remotest parts of Egypt, visiting the monks and going round God’s family upon earth. Oh, if only the Lord Jesus Christ would suddenly transport me to you as Philip was transported to the eunuch,26 and Habakkuk to Daniel,27 with what a close embrace would I clasp your neck, how fondly would I press kisses upon that mouth which has so often joined with me of old in error or in wisdom. But as I am unworthy (not that you should so come to me but) that I should so come to you, and because my poor body, weak even when well, has been shattered by frequent illnesses; I send this letter to meet you instead of coming myself, in the hope that it may bring you hither to me caught in the meshes of love’s net.

2. My first joy at such unexpected good tidings was due to our brother, Heliodorus. I desired to be sure of it, but did not dare to feel sure, especially as he told me that he had only heard it from some one else, and as the strangeness of the news impaired the credit of the story. Once more my wishes hovered in uncertainty and my mind wavered, till an Alexandrian monk who had some time previously been sent over by the dutiful zeal of the people to the Egyptian confessors (in will already martyrs28, impelled me by his presence to believe the tidings. Even then, I must admit I still hesitated. For on the one hand he knew nothing either of your name or country: yet on the other what he said seemed likely to be true, agreeing as it did with the hint which had already reached me. At last the truth broke upon me in all its fulness, for a constant stream of persons passing through brought the report: “Rufinus is at Nitria, and has reached the abode of the blessed Macarius.”29 At this point I cast away all that restrained my belief, and then first really grieved to find myself ill. Had it not been that my wasted and enfeebled frame fettered my movements, neither the summer heat nor the dangerous voyage should have had power to retard the rapid steps of affection. Believe me, brother, I look forward to seeing you more than the storm-tossed mariner looks for his haven, more than the thirsty fields long for the showers, more than the anxious mother sitting on the curving shore expects her son.

3. After that sudden whirlwind30 dragged me from your side, severing with its impious wrench the bonds of affection in which we were knit together,

The dark blue raincloud lowered o’er my head:

On all sides were the seas, on all the sky.31

I wandered about, uncertain where to go. Thrace, Pontus, Bithynia, the whole of Galatia and Cappadocia, Cilicia also with its burning heat, one after another shattered my energies. At last Syria presented itself to me as a most secure harbor to a shipwrecked man. Here, after undergoing every possible kind of sickness, I lost one of my two eyes; for Innocent,32 the half of my soul,33 was taken away from me by a sudden attack of fever. The one eye which I now enjoy, and which is all in all to me, is our Evagrius,34 upon whom I with my constant infirmities have come as an additional burden. We had with us also Hylas,35 the servant of the holy Melanium,36 who by his stainless conduct had wiped out the taint of his previous servitude. His death opened afresh the wound which had not yet healed. But as the apostle’s words forbid us to mourn for those who sleep,37 and as my excess of grief has been tempered by the joyful news that has since come to me, I recount this last, that, if you have not heard it, you may learn it; and that, if you know it already, you may rejoice over it with me.

4. Bonosus,38 your friend, or, to speak more truly, mine as well as yours, is now climbing the ladder foreshown in Jacob’s dream.39 He is bearing his cross, neither taking thought for the morrow40 nor looking back at what he has left.41 He is sowing in tears that he may reap in joy.42 As Moses in a type so he in reality is lifting up the serpent in the wilderness.43 This is a true story, and it may well put to shame the lying marvels described by Greek and Roman pens. For here you have a youth educated with us in the refining accomplishments of the world, with abundance of wealth, and in rank inferior to none of his associates; yet he forsakes his mother, his sisters, and his dearly loved brother, and settles like a new tiller of Eden on a dangerous island, with the sea roaring round its reefs; while its rough crags, bare rocks, and desolate aspect make it more terrible still. No peasant or monk is to be found there. Even the little Onesimus44 you know of, in whose kisses he used to rejoice as in those of a brother, in this tremendous solitude no longer remains at his side. Alone upon the island—or rather not alone, for Christ is with him—he sees the glory of God, which even the apostles saw not save in the desert. He beholds, it is true, no embattled towns, but he has enrolled his name in the new city.45 Garments of sackcloth disfigure his limbs, yet so clad he will be the sooner caught up to meet Christ in the clouds.46 No watercourse pleasant to the view supplies his wants, but from the Lord’s side he drinks the water of life.47 Place all this before your eyes, dear friend, and with all the faculties of your mind picture to yourself the scene. When you realize the effort of the fighter then you will be able to praise his victory. Round the entire island roars the frenzied sea, while the beetling crags along its winding shores resound as the billows beat against them. No grass makes the ground green; there are no shady copses and no fertile fields. Precipitous cliffs surround his dreadful abode as if it were a prison. But he, careless, fearless, and armed from head to foot with the apostle’s armor,48 now listens to God by reading the Scriptures, now speaks to God as he prays to the Lord; and it may be that, while he lingers in the island, he sees some vision such as that once seen by John.49

5. What snares, think you, is the devil now weaving? What stratagems is he preparing? Perchance, mindful of his old trick,50 he will try to tempt Bonosus with hunger. But he has been answered already: “Man shall not live by bread alone.”51 Perchance he will lay before him wealth and fame. But it shall be said to him: “They that desire to be rich fall into a trap52 and temptations,”53 and “For me all glorying is in Christ.”54 He will come, it may be, when the limbs are weary with fasting, and rack them with the pangs of disease; but the cry of the apostle will repel him: “When I am weak, then am I strong,” and “My strength is made perfect in weakness.”55 He will hold out threats of death; but the reply will be: “I desire to depart and to be with Christ.”56 He will brandish his fiery darts, but they will be received on the shield of faith.57 In a word, Satan will assail him, but Christ will defend. Thanks be to Thee, Lord Jesus, that in Thy day I have one able to pray to Thee for me. To Thee all hearts are open, Thou searchest the secrets of the heart,58 Thou seest the prophet shut up in the fish’s belly in the midst of the sea.59 Thou knowest then how he and I grew up together from tender infancy to vigorous manhood, how we were fostered in the bosoms of the same nurses, and carried in the arms of the same bearers; and how after studying together at Rome we lodged in the same house and shared the same food by the half savage banks of the Rhine. Thou knowest, too, that it was I who first began to seek to serve Thee. Remember, I beseech Thee, that this warrior of Thine was once a raw recruit with me. I have before me the declaration of Thy majesty: “Whosoever shall teach and not do shall be called least in the kingdom of heaven.”60 May he enjoy the crown of virtue, and in return for his daily martyrdoms may he follow the Lamb robed in white raiment!61 For “in my Father’s house are many mansions,”62 and “one star differeth from another star in glory.”63 Give me strength to raise my head to a level with the saints’ heels!64 I willed, but he performed. Do Thou therefore pardon me that I failed to keep my resolve, and reward him with the guerdon of his deserts.

I may perhaps have been tedious, and have said more than the short compass of a letter usually allows; but this, I find, is always the case with me when I have to say anything in praise of our dear Bonosus.

6. However, to return to the point from which I set out, I beseech you do not let me pass wholly out of sight and out of mind. A friend is long sought, hardly found, and with difficulty kept. Let those who will, allow gold to dazzle them and be borne along in splendor, their very baggage glittering with gold and silver. Love is not to be purchased, and affection has no price. The friendship which can cease has never been real. Farewell in Christ.

Footnotes:

23 In Jerome’s day this term included all—whether hermits or cœnobites—who forsook the world and embraced an ascetic life.

24 Cf. Eph. iii. 20.

25 1 Cor. ii. 9.

26 Acts viii. 26–30.

27 Bel 33–36.

28 Priests, monks, and others who, because they would not declare themselves Arians, were banished by order of Valens to Heliopolis in Phenicia.

29 There were two hermits of this name in Egypt, and it is not certain which is meant. One of them was a disciple of Antony.

30 The ascetic community at Aquileia, of which Jerome and Rufinus were the leaders, had been broken up, perhaps through the efforts of Lupicinus, the bishop of Stridon.

31 Virg. A. iii. 193, 194: v. 9.

32 See Letter I.

33 Hor. C. i. 3, 8.

34 See Letter I. § 15.

35 A freedman of Melanium.

36 A young Roman widow who had given up the world that she might adopt the ascetic life. She accompanied Rufinus to the East and settled with him on the Mount of Olives. She is mentioned again in Letters IV., XXXIX., XLV., and others.

37 1 Thess. iv. 13.

38 Jerome’s foster-brother who had accompanied him on his first visit to Rome. He was now living as a hermit on a small island in the neighborhood of Aquileia. See Letter VII. § 3.

39 Gen. xxviii. 12.

40 Matt. vi. 34.

41 Luke ix. 62.

42 Ps. cxxvi. 5.

43 Nu. xxi. 9.

44 Of this child nothing is known.

45 I.e. the new Jerusalem. Rev. xxi. 2; Is. iv. 3.

46 1 Thess. iv. 17.

47 Joh. iv. 14; xix. 34.

48 Eph. vi. 13–17.

49 Rev. i. 9, 10.

50 Gen. iii. 1–6; Matt. iv. 1–4.

51 Matt. iv. 4.

52 Literally “mousetrap.” This variant is peculiar to Cyprian and Jerome.

53 1 Tim. vi. 9.

54 1 Cor. i. 31.

55 2 Cor. xii. 10, 9.

56 Philip. i. 23.

57 Eph. vi. 16.

58 Acts i. 24; Rev. ii. 23.

59 Jon. ii. 1, 2.

60 Matt. v. 19.

61 Rev. xiv. 4.

62 John xiv. 2.

63 1 Cor. xv. 41.

64 Quoted from Tert. de C. F. ii. 7.

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The Letter of St. Jerome To Theodosius & The Rest of The Anchorites

Written from Antioch, 374 A.D., while Jerome was still in doubt as to his future course. Theodosius appears to have been the head of the solitaries in the Syrian Desert.

Letter II. To Theodosius and the Rest of the Anchorites.

How I long to be a member of your company, and with uplifting of all my powers to embrace your admirable community! Though, indeed, these poor eyes are not worthy to look upon it. Oh! that I could behold the desert, lovelier to me than any city! Oh! that I could see those lonely spots made into a paradise by the saints that throng them! But since my sins prevent me from thrusting into your blessed company a head laden with every transgression, I adjure you (and I know that you can do it) by your prayers to deliver me from the darkness of this world. I spoke of this when I was with you, and now in writing to you I repeat anew the same request; for all the energy of my mind is devoted to this one object. It rests with you to give effect to my resolve. I have the will but not the power; this last can only come in answer to your prayers. For my part, I am like a sick sheep astray from the flock. Unless the good Shepherd shall place me on his shoulders and carry me back to the fold,20(20    Luke xv. 3–5.) my steps will totter, and in the very effort of rising I shall find my feet give way. I am the prodigal son21(21    Luke xv. 11–32.) who although I have squandered all the portion entrusted to me by my father, have not yet bowed the knee in submission to him; not yet have I commenced to put away from me the allurements of my former excesses. And because it is only a little while since I have begun not so much to abandon my vices as to desire to abandon them, the devil now ensnares me in new toils, he puts new stumbling-blocks in my path, he encompasses me on every side.

The seas around, and all around the main.22(22    Virg. A. v. 9.)

I find myself in mid-ocean, unwilling to retreat and unable to advance. It only remains that your prayers should win for me the gale of the Holy Spirit to waft me to the haven upon the desired shore.

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The Letter Of St. Jerome To Innocent

Not only the first of the letters but probably the earliest extant composition of Jerome (c. 370 A.D.). Innocent, to whom it is addressed, was one of the little band of enthusiasts whom Jerome gathered round him in Aquileia. He followed his friend to Syria, where he died in 374 A.D. (See Letter III., 3.)

Letter I. To Innocent.

1. You have frequently asked me, dearest Innocent, not to pass over in silence the marvellous event which has happened in our own day. I have declined the task from modesty and, as I now feel, with justice, believing myself to be incapable of it, at once because human language is inadequate to the divine praise, and because inactivity, acting like rust upon the intellect, has dried up any little power of expression that I have ever had. You in reply urge that in the things of God we must look not at the work which we are able to accomplish, but at the spirit in which it is undertaken, and that he can never be at a loss for words who has believed on the Word.

2. What, then, must I do? The task is beyond me, and yet I dare not decline it. I am a mere unskilled passenger, and I find myself placed in charge of a freighted ship. I have not so much as handled a rowboat on a lake, and now I have to trust myself to the noise and turmoil of the Euxine. I see the shores sinking beneath the horizon, “sky and sea on every side”;2 (2 Virg. A. iii. 193.) darkness lowers over the water, the clouds are black as night, the waves only are white with foam. You urge me to hoist the swelling sails, to loosen the sheets, and to take the helm. At last I obey your commands, and as charity can do all things, I will trust in the Holy Ghost to guide my course, and I shall console myself, whatever the event. For, if our ship is wafted by the surf into the wished-for haven, I shall be content to be told that the pilotage was poor. But, if through my unpolished diction we run aground amid the rough cross-currents of language, you may blame my lack of power, but you will at least recognize my good intentions.

3. To begin, then: Vercellæ is a Ligurian town, situated not far from the base of the Alps, once important, but now sparsely peopled and fallen into decay. When the consular3(3 I.e. the governor of the province.) was holding his visitation there, a poor woman and her paramour were brought before him—the charge of adultery had been fastened upon them by the husband—and were both consigned to the penal horrors of a prison. Shortly after an attempt was made to elicit the truth by torture, and when the blood-stained hook smote the young man’s livid flesh and tore furrows in his side, the unhappy wretch sought to avoid prolonged pain by a speedy death. Falsely accusing his own passions, he involved another in the charge; and it appeared that he was of all men the most miserable, and that his execution was just inasmuch as he had left to an innocent woman no means of self-defence. But the woman, stronger in virtue if weaker in sex, though her frame was stretched upon the rack, and though her hands, stained with the filth of the prison, were tied behind her, looked up to heaven with her eyes, which alone the torturer had been unable to bind, and while the tears rolled down her face, said: “Thou art witness, Lord Jesus, to whom nothing is hid, who triest the reins and the heart.4(4 Ps. vii. 9.) 

Thou art witness that it is not to save my life that I deny this charge. I refuse to lie because to lie is sin. And as for you, unhappy man, if you are bent on hastening your death, why must you destroy not one innocent person, but two? I also, myself, desire to die. I desire to put off this hated body, but not as an adulteress. I offer my neck; I welcome the shining sword without fear; yet I will take my innocence with me. He does not die who is slain while purposing so to live.”

4. The consular, who had been feasting his eyes upon the bloody spectacle, now, like a wild beast, which after once tasting blood always thirsts for it, ordered the torture to be doubled, and cruelly gnashing his teeth, threatened the executioner with like punishment if he failed to extort from the weaker sex a confession which a man’s strength had not been able to keep back.

5. Send help, Lord Jesus. For this one creature of Thine every species of torture is devised. She is bound by the hair to a stake, her whole body is fixed more firmly than ever on the rack; fire is brought and applied to her feet; her sides quiver beneath the executioner’s probe; even her breasts do not escape. Still the woman remains unshaken; and, triumphing in spirit over the pain of the body, enjoys the happiness of a good conscience, round which the tortures rage in vain.5(5 Text corrupt.) The cruel judge rises, overcome with passion. She still prays to God. Her limbs are wrenched from their sockets; she only turns her eyes to heaven. Another confesses what is thought their common guilt. She, for the confessor’s sake, denies the confession, and, in peril of her own life, clears one who is in peril of his.

6. Meantime she has but one thing to say: “Beat me, burn me, tear me, if you will; I have not done it. If you will not believe my words, a day will come when this charge shall be carefully sifted. I have One who will judge me.” Wearied out at last, the torturer sighed in response to her groans; nor could he find a spot on which to inflict a fresh wound. His cruelty overcome, he shuddered to see the body he had torn. Immediately the consular cried, in a fit of passion, “Why does it surprise you, bystanders, that a woman prefers torture to death? It takes two people, most assuredly, to commit adultery; and I think it more credible that a guilty woman should deny a sin than that an innocent young man should confess one.”

7. Like sentence, accordingly, was passed on both, and the condemned pair were dragged to execution. The entire people poured out to see the sight; indeed, so closely were the gates thronged by the out-rushing crowd, that you might have fancied the city itself to be migrating. At the very first stroke of the sword the head of the hapless youth was cut off, and the headless trunk rolled over in its blood. Then came the woman’s turn. She knelt down upon the ground, and the shining sword was lifted over her quivering neck. But though the headsman summoned all his strength into his bared arm, the moment it touched her flesh the fatal blade stopped short, and, lightly glancing over the skin, merely grazed it sufficiently to draw blood. The striker saw, with terror, his hand unnerved, and, amazed at his defeated skill and at his drooping sword, he whirled it aloft for another stroke. Again the blade fell forceless on the woman, sinking harmlessly on her neck, as though the steel feared to touch her. The enraged and panting officer, who had thrown open his cloak at the neck to give his full strength to the blow, shook to the ground the brooch which clasped the edges of his mantle, and not noticing this, began to poise his sword for a fresh stroke. “See,” cried the woman, “a jewel has fallen from your shoulder. Pick up what you have earned by hard toil, that you may not lose it.”

8. What, I ask, is the secret of such confidence as this? Death draws near, but it has no terrors for her. When smitten she exults, and the executioner turns pale. Her eyes see the brooch, they fail to see the sword. And, as if intrepidity in the presence of death were not enough, she confers a favor upon her cruel foe. And now the mysterious Power of the Trinity rendered even a third blow vain. The terrified soldier, no longer trusting the blade, proceeded to apply the point to her throat, in the idea that though it might not cut, the pressure of his hand might plunge it into her flesh. Marvel unheard of through all the ages! The sword bent back to the hilt, and in its defeat looked to its master, as if confessing its inability to slay.

9. Let me call to my aid the example of the three children,6(6 Shadrach, Meshach and Abednego.) who, amid the cool, encircling fire, sang hymns,7(7 Song of the Three Holy Children.) instead of weeping, and around whose turbans and holy hair the flames played harmlessly. Let me recall, too, the story of the blessed Daniel,8(8 Dan. vi.) in whose presence, though he was their natural prey, the lions crouched, with fawning tails and frightened mouths. Let Susannah also rise in the nobility of her faith before the thoughts of all; who, after she had been condemned by an unjust sentence, was saved through a youth inspired by the Holy Ghost.9(9 Susannah 45; the youth spoken of is Daniel.) In both cases the Lord’s mercy was alike shewn; for while Susannah was set free by 3the judge, so as not to die by the sword, this woman, though condemned by the judge, was acquitted by the sword.

10. Now at length the populace rise in arms to defend the woman. Men and women of every age join in driving away the executioner, shouting round him in a surging crowd. Hardly a man dares trust his own eyes. The disquieting news reaches the city close at hand, and the entire force of constables is mustered. The officer who is responsible for the execution of criminals bursts from among his men, and

Staining his hoary hair with soiling dust,10 (10 Virg. A. xii. 611.) exclaims: “What! citizens, do you mean to seek my life? Do you intend to make me a substitute for her? However much your minds are set on mercy, and however much you wish to save a condemned woman, yet assuredly I—I who am innocent—ought not to perish.” His tearful appeal tells upon the crowd, they are all benumbed by the influence of sorrow, and an extraordinary change of feeling is manifested. Before it had seemed a duty to plead for the woman’s life, now it seemed a duty to allow her to be executed.

11. Accordingly a new sword is fetched, a new headsman appointed. The victim takes her place, once more strengthened only with the favor of Christ. The first blow makes her quiver, beneath the second she sways to and fro, by the third she falls wounded to the ground. Oh, majesty of the divine power highly to be extolled! She who previously had received four strokes without injury, now, a few moments later, seems to die that an innocent man may not perish in her stead.

12. Those of the clergy whose duty it is to wrap the blood-stained corpse in a winding-sheet, dig out the earth and, heaping together stones, form the customary tomb. The sunset comes on quickly, and by God’s mercy the night of nature arrives more swiftly than is its wont. Suddenly the woman’s bosom heaves, her eyes seek the light, her body is quickened into new life. A moment after she sighs, she looks round, she gets up and speaks. At last she is able to cry: “The Lord is on my side; I will not fear. What can man do unto me?”11(11 Ps. cxviii. 6.)

13. Meantime an aged woman, supported out of the funds of the church, gave back her spirit to heaven from which it came.12(12 Cf. Eccles. xii. 7.) It seemed as if the course of events had been thus purposely ordered, for her body took the place of the other beneath the mound. In the gray dawn the devil comes on the scene in the form of a constable,13(13 Lictor.) asks for the corpse of her who had been slain, and desires to have her grave pointed out to him. Surprised that she could have died, he fancies her to be still alive. The clergy show him the fresh turf, and meet his demands by pointing to the earth lately heaped up, taunting him with such words as these: “Yes, of course, tear up the bones which have been buried! Declare war anew against the tomb, and if even that does not satisfy you, pluck her limb from limb for birds and beasts to mangle! Mere dying is too good for one whom it took seven strokes to kill.”

14. Before such opprobrious words the executioner retires in confusion, while the woman is secretly revived at home. Then, lest the frequency of the doctor’s visits to the church might give occasion for suspicion, they cut her hair short and send her in the company of some virgins to a sequestered country house. There she changes her dress for that of a man, and scars form over her wounds. Yet even after the great miracles worked on her behalf, the laws still rage against her. So true is it that, where there is most law, there, there is also most injustice.14(14 An allusion to the well-known proverb, summum jus, summa injuria.)

15. But now see whither the progress of my story has brought me; we come upon the name of our friend Evagrius.15(15 A presbyter of Antioch and bishop, 388 A.D. He is mentioned again in Letters III., IV., V., XV. See Jerome De Vir. iii. 125.) So great have his exertions been in the cause of Christ that, were I to suppose it possible adequately to describe them, I should only show my own folly; and were I minded deliberately to pass them by, I still could not prevent my voice from breaking out into cries of joy. Who can fittingly praise the vigilance which enabled him to bury, if I may so say, before his death Auxentius16(16 The predecessor of Ambrose and an Arian. He was still living when Jerome wrote, but died 374.) of Milan, that curse brooding over the church? Or who can sufficiently extol the discretion with which he rescued the Roman bishop17(17 Damasus, who having successfully made good his claim to the papacy, in 369 condemned Auxentius in a council held at Rome.) from the toils of the net in which he was fairly entangled, and showed him the means at once of overcoming his opponents and of sparing them in their discomfiture? But

Such topics I must leave to other bards,

Shut out by envious straits of time and space.18(18 Virg. G. iv. 147, 148.)

I am satisfied now to record the conclusion of 4my tale. Evagrius seeks a special audience of the Emperor;19(19 Valentinian I.) importunes him with his entreaties, wins his favor by his services, and finally gains his cause through his earnestness. The Emperor restored to liberty the woman whom God had restored to life.

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How Did the Latin Vulgate Bible Become the Authorized Version of the Catholic Church

The Vulgate is regarded by the Catholics and Protestants in very differrent point of views; by the former it has been extolled beyond measure, while by most of the latter it has been depreciated as much as below its intrinsic merit.  The Vulgate, which surpasses all former ones, was executed at different times, Jerome having translated particular books in the order requested by his friends. We learn from Augustine, that it was introduced into the churches by degrees, for fear of offending weak persons; at length it acquired so great an authority from Pope Gregory I, that ever since the seventh century it has been exclusively adopted by the Catholic church, under the name of the VULGATE version; and a decree of of the fourth session of the Council of Trent, in the sixteenth century, ordained that the Vulgate alone should be esteemed authentic (a very ambiguous term which ought to have been more precisely defined than the members of that assembly chose to define it) in the public reading of the Scriptures, in disputations, in preaching, and in expounding, and that no one should dare to reject it under any pretext whatever, Upon this ground, many contended that the Vulgate version was dictated by the Holy Spirit; at least was providentially guarded against all error; was consequently of divine authority, and more to be regarded than even the original Hebrew and Greek texts). And in effect, the decree of the Council, however limited and moderated by the explanation of some of their more judicious divines, has given to the Vulgate such as high degree of authority, that, in this instance, at least, the translation has taken the place of the original; for the learned of the church of Rome, who have taken the liberty of giving translations of Scripture in modern languages, instead of the Hebrew and Greek texts, profess to translate the Vulgate.

When, indeed, they find the Vulgate very notoriously deficient in expressing the sense, they do the original Scriptures the honour of consulting them, and take the liberty, by following them, of departing from their authentic guide; but in general, the Vulgate is their original text; and they give us a translation of a translation; by which second transfusion of the Holy Scriptures, into another tounge, still more of the original sense must be lost, and more of the genuine spirit must evaporate.

The universal adoption of Jerome’s new version throughout the Western church rendered a multiplication of copies necessary; and with them new errors were introduced in the course of time, by the intermixture of the two versions (the Old Itala and Jerome’s Vulgate) with each other. Of this confusion, Cassiodorus was the principal cause, who ordered them to be written in parallel columns, that the old version might be corrected by the Vulgate; and though Aleuin in the eigth century, by the command of Charlemagne, provided more accurate copies, the text again fell into such confusion and was so disfigured by innumerable mistakes of copyists – (notwithstanding the efforts made to correct it by Lanfranc,  Archbishop of Canterbury, in the eleventh century (c. 1005 – 1089), and by Cardinal Nicholas, and some other divines, about the middle of the twelfth and in the thirteenth centuries) – that the manuscripts of the Middle Ages materially differ from the first printed editions.

Robert Stephens was the first who attempted to remedy this confusion, by publishing his critical edition of the Vulgate in 1528, 1532,  1534, 1540, and particularly in 1545 and 1546. These, especially the last, having incurred the censures of the doctors of the Sorbornne, John Hentenius, a scholar of Louvain, was employed to prepare a new edition of the Vulgate; this he accomplished in 1547 in folio, having availed himself of Stephen’s previous labours with great advantage.

A third corrected edition was published by Lucas Brugensis with the assistance of several scholars from Louvain, in 1573, in three volumes, 8vo., which was also reprinted in 1586 in 4to and 8vo., with the critical notes of Lucas Brugensis. In the mean time Pope Pius IV commanded some scholars of the Catholic church to collect and to collate the most ancient manuscripts which they could procure. This collation was continued during the pontificate of Pius V, who further caused the original text to be consulted. Under Pope Gregory XIII the work ceased, but it was resumed and completed under the auspices of Sixtus V; who devoted much time and attention to it, and corrected the proofs of the edition which was published at Rome in 1590, in folio. The text thus revised Sixtus pronounced to be the authentic Vulgate, which had been the object of inquiry in the Council of Trent; and ordained that it should be adopted throughout the Catholic church. But notwithstanding the labours of the Pope, this edition was discovered to be so exceedingly incorrect, that his successor Pope Gregory XIV caused it to be suppressed; and Clement VIII, the successor of Gregory in the pontificate, published another authentic Vulgate in 1592. This, however, differs more than any other editions from that of Sixtus V, and mostly resembles that of Louvain. These fatal variances between editions, alike promulgated by pontiffs claiming infalibility, have not passed unnoticed by Protestant scholars, who have taken advantage of them in a manner than sensibly affects the church of Rome; especially Kortholt, who was at great length refuted the pretensions of Bellarmine in favour of the Vulgate in a masterly manner, and Thomas James in his Bellum Papale, sive Concordia Discurs Sixti V(London, 1600, 4to) who has pointed out very numerous additions, omissions, contradictions, and other differences between the Sixtine and Clementine editions.

Besides the preceding revisions by papal authority, there have been several others executed by private individuals; in which the Latin Vulgate has been so much corrected from the original Hebrew and Greek, that they have in some degree been considered (though erroneously) as new translations. Of this number are the Latin Bibles published by Clarius, Eber, and the Osianders. 

Although the Latin Vulgate is neither inspired nor infallible, as some Catholic scholars in the past have attempted to maintain, yet it is allowed to be in general a faithful translation, and sometimes exhibits the sense of Scripture with greater accuracy than the more modern versions; for all those which have been made in modern times, by scholars in communion with the church of Rome, are either derived from or influenced by the Latin Vulgate, which, in consequence of the decree of the Council of Trent above noticed, has been substituted for the original Hebrew and Greek texts.

The Latin Vulgate, therefore, is by no means to be neglected by the biblical critic; and since the anti-Hieronymian Latin translation are unquestionably of great antiquity, both lead us to discovery of the readings in very ancient Greek manuscripts, which existed prior to the date of any now extant. Even in its present state, notwithstanding the variations between the Sixtine and Clementine editions, and that several passages are mistranslated, in order to support the peculiar dogmas of the church of Rome, the Latin Vulgate preserves many true readings, where the modern Hebrew copies are corrupted.

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St. Jerome’s Preface to the Vulgate Version of the New Testament

Addressed to Pope Damasus, 383 A.D.

You urge me to revise the old Latin version, and, as it were, to sit in judgment on the copies of the Scriptures which are now scattered throughout the whole world; and, inasmuch as they differ from one another, you would have me decide which of them agree with the Greek original. The labour is one of love, but at the same time both perilous and presumptuous; for in judging others I must be content to be judged by all; and how can I dare to change the language of the world in its hoary old age, and carry it back to the early days of its infancy? Is there a man, learned or unlearned, who will not, when he takes the volume into his hands, and perceives that what he reads does not suit his settled tastes, break out immediately into violent language, and call me a forger and a profane person for having the audacity to add anything to the ancient books, or to make any changes or corrections therein? Now there are two consoling reflections which enable me to bear the odium—in the first place, the command is given by you who are the supreme bishop; and secondly, even on the showing of those who revile us, readings at variance with the early copies cannot be right. For if we are to pin our faith to the Latin texts, it is for our opponents to tell us which; for there are almost as many forms of texts as there are copies. If, on the other hand, we are to glean the truth from a comparison of many, why not go back to the original Greek and correct the mistakes introduced by inaccurate translators, and the blundering alterations of confident but ignorant critics, and, further, all that has been inserted or changed by copyists more asleep than awake?

I am not discussing the Old Testament, which was turned into Greek by the Seventy elders, and has reached us by a descent of three steps. I do not ask what Aquila and Symmachus think, or why Theodotion takes a middle course between the ancients and the moderns. I am willing to let that be the true translation which had apostolic approval. I am now speaking of the New Testament. This was undoubtedly composed in Greek, with the exception of the work of Matthew the Apostle, who was the first to commit to writing the Gospel of Christ, and who published his work in Judæa in Hebrew characters. We must confess that as we have it in our language it is marked by discrepancies, and now that the stream is distributed into different channels we must go back to the fountainhead. I pass over those manuscripts which are associated with the names of Lucian and Hesychius, and the authority of which is perversely maintained by a handful of disputatious persons. It is obvious that these writers could not amend anything in the Old Testament after the labours of the Seventy; and it was useless to correct the New, for versions of Scripture which already exist in the languages of many nations show that their additions are false. I therefore promise in this short Preface the four Gospels only, which are to be taken in the following order, Matthew, Mark, Luke, John, as they have been revised by a comparison of the Greek manuscripts. Only early ones have been used. But to avoid any great divergences from the Latin which we are accustomed to read, I have used my pen with some restraint, and while I have corrected only such passages as seemed to convey a different meaning, I have allowed the rest to remain as they are.

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